Israel proposes West Bank barrier as border (AP)

RAMALLAH, West Bank ? Israel is proposing to essentially turn its West Bank separation barrier into the border with a future state of Palestine, two Palestinian officials said Friday, based on their interpretation of principles Israel presented in talks this week.

The officials said Israeli envoy Yitzak Molcho told his Palestinian counterpart that Israel wants to keep east Jerusalem and consolidate Jewish settlements behind the separation barrier, which slices close to 10 percent off the West Bank. They spoke on condition of anonymity, citing strict no-leaks rules by Jordanian mediators.

The proposal would fall short of what the Palestinians seem likely to accept, especially because it would leave Jerusalem on the "Israeli" side of the border.

But it would also mark a significant step for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has spent most of his career as a staunch opponent of Palestinian independence.

And if talks advance in such a direction, it could also spell the end for his nationalist coalition, where key members would consider the abandonment of most of the West Bank ? a strategic highland and biblical heartland ? an unforgivable betrayal.

Israel has confirmed that it presented principles this week for drawing a border with a Palestinian state. But the politically charged nature of the talks ? even though they were held at a relatively low level, below that of Cabinet ministers ? was reflected in the guarded refusal by any top official to discuss details.

An Israeli government official said that as far as he knew, the information was incorrect, but declined to elaborate or go on the record, citing Jordan's demand for discretion.

Deputy Prime Minister Dan Meridor, one of the closest Cabinet ministers to Netanyahu, said he has been supporting such an offer for months, and that Israel should concentrate on preserving the large West Bank settlement blocs, close to the pre-1967 border. But he could not confirm whether the offer was in fact made.

"I do not know if (Molcho) said these words exactly, but it would be great," Meridor told The Associated Press.

The Palestinian officials ? one a senior member of the leadership ? said Molcho told the Palestinians that Israel wants to live peacefully beside a Palestinian state.

It would be the most detailed offer yet from Netanyahu on how much he wants to keep of the lands Israel captured in the 1967 Mideast War ? the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem.

The Palestinians want to establish their state in virtually all of these lands ? although they do seem ready to accept minor adjustments, through land swaps in which Israel keeps some of the largest settlements.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is certainly unlikely to consider a proposal that keeps east Jerusalem under Israeli control. The eastern sector of the city is home to key Jewish, Muslim and Christian sites.

And Israel's position, as described by the Palestinians, is less than what was offered by Netanyahu's predecessors, Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, who were willing to discuss a partition of Jerusalem as well.

About half a million Israelis settled in east Jerusalem and the West Bank after 1967, including tens of thousands east of the barrier.

Israel started building the barrier in 2002, in the midst of a Palestinian uprising that included scores of deadly attacks by Palestinian militants who crossed from the West Bank into Israel and blew themselves up among civilians.

Israelis have generally credited the barrier ? along with other punitive measures ? with stopping the spate of incursions several years ago.

However, it was routed in a way that raised questions about Israel's claim that it was a temporary security measure ? weaving through the West Bank, looping wide around some settlements to leave room for expansion, and looking very much like a border a future Israeli government might argue for. The Palestinians condemned it from the start as a land grab.

The Palestinian officials also said that Molcho portrayed the Jordan Valley, which makes up about one-fourth of the West Bank and borders Jordan, as a strategic Israeli security asset. However, that wording suggests less than a demand for firm territorial control.

Netanyahu has said he wants a continued Israeli presence on the eastern border of a future Palestinian state as part of any peace deal.

Netanyahu has long argued Israel needs the area as a security buffer ? protection against possible attack from the east.

The 1994 peace treaty with Jordan eased this concern ? but the Arab Spring has given it new life: although it is almost never discussed by officials, mindful of riling Jordan, many in Israel ponder a nightmare scenario in which the Jordanian monarchy falls to Israel's enemies, who then pour weapons and militants into the West Bank, reaching within miles (kilometers) from its major cities.

A senior Israeli military official said last week the Israeli army had to consider in its planning the possibility of heightened threats from east of the West Bank.

Israeli officials have said any presence in the Jordan Valley could be reviewed over time.

Abbas, meanwhile, is under growing pressure from the Quartet of Mideast mediators ? the U.S., the U.N., the EU and Russia ? to continue the talks with Israel, which began earlier this month. The Quartet had asked the sides to present detailed proposals on borders and security arrangements.

The Palestinians argue that the period set aside for the contacts ended Thursday, or three months after the Quartet issued its marching orders. Israel says the intention was to have three months of talks, and so wants meetings to continue.

Abbas will consult Monday with senior officials from the Palestine Liberation Organization and his Fatah movement. Later next week, he will also seek advice from the Arab League.

___

Perry reported from Tel Aviv, Israel.

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/mideast/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20120127/ap_on_re_mi_ea/ml_israel_palestinians

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GOP candidates' pitch to voters: I'm your leader (AP)

WASHINGTON ? The pitch from the Republican presidential contenders to voters sounds a lot like the children's game of follow the leader.

When Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich aren't puffing up their own leadership credentials, they're running down the leadership skills of one another and of President Barack Obama.

If anyone missed Monday's conference call from the Romney campaign about Gingrich's record as a "failed leader," not to worry. They could have tuned in to Tuesday's conference call. Or Wednesday's. Or Thursday's. Or checked out the "unreliable leader" banner splashed across a Romney news release that labeled Gingrich "unhinged."

Romney's political biography, meanwhile, is all about his leadership as a businessman, Massachusetts governor and savior of the 2002 Olympic Games in Salt Lake City.

It's hard to miss Gingrich's frequent broadsides at Romney for failing to provide consistent, visionary leadership. Or the former House speaker's pronouncements that he, by contrast, offers "exactly the kind of bold, tough leader the American people want." Or Gingrich's descriptions of all that was accomplished in his four years as speaker in the 1990s.

Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, trailing in the polls, keeps trying to muscle his way into the conversation by offering himself as the steady bet who can be counted on to offer more reliable conservative leadership than "erratic" Gingrich or "moderate" Romney.

In a race where all the candidates are trying to out-conservative one another, stressing leadership credentials gives the GOP rivals a way to try to distinguish themselves. In a year when Obama's own leadership skills are seen as one of his weakest qualities, it gives the Republicans one more arrow in their quiver as they argue over who would be most electable in a matchup with Obama come November.

Leadership is always a part of the equation in presidential elections. In 2008, for example, the candidates all were abuzz with claims that they offered "transformational" leadership.

"I want to transform this country," Obama said when he announced he was running.

This year, leadership is getting an extra dose of attention, perhaps because of statistics such as this: The share of Americans viewing Obama as a strong leader slipped from 77 percent at the start of his presidency to 52 percent in a Pew Research Center poll released this month. Among Republicans, only about one-fourth of those surveyed in the most recent poll said Obama was a strong leader, compared with 80 percent of Democrats.

At a campaign debate last week in Tampa, Fla., Gingrich and Romney both turned a question about electability into an answer about the L-word.

"This is going to come down a question of leadership," Romney said. Then the former Massachusetts governor recited his track record as a leader in business and government and took a dig at Gingrich for having to "resign in disgrace" when he was speaker in the 1990s.

Gingrich, answering the same question, aligned himself with the leadership record of conservative hero Ronald Reagan and offered himself as someone "prepared to be controversial when necessary" to bring about great change.

The answers offer a window into how differently the two candidates define leadership: Romney more as a manager with business school credentials, Gingrich more as a big-thinking visionary.

The leadership argument is a particularly potent campaign weapon for Romney because a number of Republicans who served in Congress with Gingrich have been happy to describe his shortcomings in running the House.

"If you were somebody trying to serve with him, you were always sort of left standing with your hands empty in terms of moving forward with an actual plan or putting a plan to paper," Rep. Mary Bono Mack, R-Calif., said of Gingrich on a Romney campaign conference call Thursday. "So for me, it's an example that he's just not an effective leader. I think Mitt has the temperament and the ability to lead."

Gingrich, who resigned after a spate of ethics problems and a poor showing for House Republicans in the 1998 elections, managed to turn even his resignation as speaker into evidence that he's a strong leader.

"I took responsibility for the fact that our results weren't as good as they should be," he said in the Tampa debate. "I think that's what a leader should do."

As for the turbulence of his tenure as speaker, Gingrich casts that, too, as evidence of his bold leadership.

"Look, I wish everybody had loved me, but I'd rather be effective representing the American people than be popular inside Washington," he said earlier in the campaign.

Stephen Wayne, a presidential scholar at Georgetown University, said the harsh judgment of Obama's presidential leadership by Republicans and even some Democrats in part is due to the high hopes that he raised during the 2008 campaign. Obama the president has been measured against the words of Obama the candidate ever since.

Now that it's campaign season again, says Wayne, "he's not competing against his own image, he's competing against a real life person that has frailties. ... In a sense, that lowers the bar for Obama."

___

AP Deputy Polling Director Jennifer Agiesta contributed to this report.

___

Follow Nancy Benac at http://www.twitter.com/nbenac

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/politics/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20120128/ap_on_el_pr/us_gop_follow_the_leader

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WaPo: Ron Paul Signed Off On Racist 1990s Newsletters (Little green footballs)

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Egyptians see remarkable year not living up to potential

By Ayman Mohyeldin, NBC News correspondent

Jeff J Mitchell / Getty Images

Temporary monuments are erected in Tahrir Square on Wednesday as thousands of Egyptians gather to mark the one year anniversary of the uprising that toppled President Hosni Mubarak.

?

They are scenes reminiscent of Egypt's 18-day revolution that toppled the 30-year rule of Hosni Mubarak.

Men and women, young and old, Muslim and Christian, rich and poor, secular and conservative ? all back in the symbolic heart of Egypt?s revolution, Tahrir Square. They are also in cities all across the country.

But the unity seen during Egypt's revolution in 2011 has been replaced by widening differences over where the country stands one year later.

The difference revolves around the transition to democracy. Is it on the right path? Led by the right people? Genuine or simply cosmetic? Actions versus promises. Accomplishments versus rhetoric.

---

Wednesday marked the one-year anniversary of the beginning of the uprising that ousted Mubarak.

Some gathered in the square to celebrate that revolution. They said the past year had been one of transformation. They cited a newly elected lower house of parliament, new individual freedoms and an explosion of political parties running the gamut.

Those gathered Wednesday celebrated the accomplishments of the revolution. Those accomplishments cannot simply be dismissed. The pace of reform may be slow, but change has been tangible.

Those here commemorating the revolution argued change has been cosmetic. One regime has simply been replaced by another.

"We have changed the driver in the car, but you have not changed the car or its direction," one protester told me. "Only when the direction of the car changes will the revolution be considered successful," he added.

Related: Obama wants to boost Egypt aid quickly

Those commemorating the revolution said the anniversary should serve as a reminder of what Egyptians can accomplish when they are united. The past year has not lived up to its potential. They cited thousands of civilians in military trials as evidence that the ruling military council -- all appointed by Mubarak coincidentally -- has resorted to the same draconian measures as its predecessor. They said that in the past year, not a single senior officer of the internal security forces or minister has been convicted in the killings of around 800 protesters. So for them, Wednesday was about renewing demonstrations against the ruling military council.

The military council said it's holding the ship steady on the course to democracy. And while it has changed the timetable to elections a few times, it has done so only when events on the ground rapidly deteriorated and protests flared up. On one hand that showed it had been responsive to public sentiments and street protests; but on the other hand, it continued to act unilaterally when it came to fundamental issues concerning the process of reform. It retained exclusive power over the security services and the judiciary. It has refused to delegate powers and authority to the military-appointed prime minister or the newly elected lower house of parliament. At the same time, the military has issued a declaration of constitutional principles that many interpret as an attempt to retain powers after a new government is directly elected.

Related: Huge crowd in Cairo

And of course? there are the new democratic realities that have emerged in post-revolution Egypt. New political parties, but not necessarily new political voices. The loudest so far has been that of the Muslim Brotherhood and the ultra-conservative Salafist movement. Between the two of them, they overwhelmingly won the majority of seats in parliament. Will their mandate from the people be seen as a direct order to challenge the military? Some argue the Islamists are content with the democratic process undertaken by the military because it has paved their way to power. They fear the two have cut backroom deals. The military will move the democratic process at a pace and under conditions favorable to Islamist parties at the expense of the lesser and weaker secular and liberal forces. In exchange, the Islamists will not mobilize their massive street support against the military or hold them accountable for past misdoings going forward.

So whether Egyptians celebrate, commemorate or reinvigorate their January 25 Revolution, one thing is for certain, it has been a remarkable year in the history of this country.

More from msnbc.com and NBC News:

Source: http://worldblog.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/01/25/10236282-egyptians-see-remarkable-year-not-living-up-to-its-potential

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After 17 seasons and 5 titles, Posada retires (AP)

NEW YORK ? Flanked by his wife and children, with five World Series trophies sitting on a table to his right, Jorge Posada announced his retirement Tuesday.

The five-time All-Star catcher ends his major league career after 17 seasons, all with the New York Yankees.

The 40-year-old Posada finished with a .273 career batting average, 275 home runs and 1,065 RBIs. Shifted to designated hitter last year, his playing time diminished.

Posada joins Bernie Williams and Andy Pettitte in retirement, leaving only 37-year-old Derek Jeter and 42-year-old Mariano Rivera from the core group that led the Yankees to four World Series titles in five years from 1996-2000.

With Jeter, Rivera and CC Sabathia looking on, Posada began by quoting Joe DiMaggio: "I want to thank the good Lord for making me a Yankee."

"I could never wear another uniform," he said. "I will forever be a Yankee."

Posada's voice broke up, especially when he spoke in Spanish. He thanked his teammates, rubbing his chin three times and wiping his eyes.

"Hopefully you won't miss me that much," he said.

Diana Munson, wife of the late Yankees catcher Thurman Munson, spoke about how Posada helped revive her interest in baseball, which had disappeared after her husband's death.

"I think he and Thurman definitely would have been best buds," she said.

Posada said he made the decision to retire during last season, which turned tumultuous May 14 when he was dropped to No. 9 in the batting order against Boston. He asked to be taken out of the lineup, saying he wasn't ready to play.

Yankees manager Joe Girardi and GM Brian Cashman said that was just a blip in his career ? part of Posada's fiery nature, the one that drew fans to him. Jeter said that emotion can't be faked, that it comes from a drive to win.

"I feel the same way," Jeter said. "I'm just better at hiding it."

Jeter and Rivera talked about how their days for retirement would come.

"Mo's going to be here longer than all of us," Jeter said.

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/sports/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20120124/ap_on_sp_ba_ne/bba_yankees_posada_retires

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Poland reviews stance on treaty after web attacks (AP)

WARSAW, Poland ? Polish leaders will debate on Monday their stance on an international copyright agreement after activists attacked government websites to protest the treaty.

The attacks, which left many websites, including those of the prime minister and parliament, inaccessible Monday for the second straight day, were claimed by Anonymous, a loose network of online activists who oppose Warsaw's plans to sign the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, or ACTA.

"Dear Polish government, we will continue to disrupt and interfere with your government official websites until the 26th. Do not pass ACTA," one message on Twitter said. The message was posted from an account called "AnonymousWiki," the same one that announced the planned attacks before government websites went down on Sunday.

ACTA is a far-reaching agreement aimed at harmonizing intellectual property protections across different countries. It covers everything from counterfeit pharmaceuticals to fake Prada bags to online piracy. Critics fear it could lead to censorship on the Internet.

Poland was originally scheduled to sign ACTA on Thursday, but whether it will do so is now unclear.

Michal Boni, the minister for administration and digitization, said Prime Minister Donald Tusk and other members of the government were meeting to determine what to do now.

Boni also acknowledged in a radio interview Monday that the government had failed to hold consultations over its stance on the issue.

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/europe/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20120123/ap_on_hi_te/eu_poland_websites_attacked

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Will Europe's Iranian oil embargo backfire? (The Week)

New York ? The EU's vow to stop buying millions of barrels of oil a day from Tehran could have a devastating effect on Iran's economy

Taking a cue from the U.S., the European Union is trying to force Tehran to rein in its nuclear program by imposing damaging new sanctions on Iran, banning imports of Tehran's cash cow, oil. Iran, the world's third largest oil exporter, reacted angrily, renewing a threat to block all oil tankers from leaving the Persian Gulf by closing the Strait of Hormuz. Russia also warned that the new sanctions could be counterproductive, since an alienated Tehran might be less willing to cooperate with coming inspections by the International Atomic Energy Authority. Will the new sanctions really backfire?

These sanctions could help Iran's leaders: "While this might seem like a good way to way to stall Iran's nuclear ambitions," says Matthew Feeney at The American Conservative, these "foolish" sanctions, like past ones, will be ineffective. Either Iran will find new buyers for its oil, or its "already suffering" economy will collapse. And if Iran's leaders successfully blame the West for cratering the country's domestic economy, they would effectively silence Iran's oppressed political opposition and "unite the country behind the regime the sanctions are aiming to harm."
"More foolish sanctions"

Or they might encourage Iranians to demand reform: "The embargo matters because of the scale of the relationship," says Ian Black at Britain's Guardian. Europe buys 20 percent of Iran's oil (2.6 million barrels a day), and cutting that off could devastate an economy already "suffering badly from rising unemployment and inflation." The political impact is anybody's guess: Yes, it could rally Iranians behind the regime. But remember, the Arab Spring just proved that autocratic states can be undone by "anger fueled by economic hardship." That could happen in Iran, too.
"The Iran oil embargo carries an uncertain cargo to Tehran"

Whatever happens, this is undeniably a risky move: Iran's angry threats are driving up oil prices, says Steve Rattner at CNN, and they'll "go a lot higher if Iranian oil is out of the picture." The world barely has enough spare capacity to replace the 2.8 million barrels Iran produces daily. So the U.S. and Europe will "have to thread the needle" to get results without sparking a global energy crisis. The fact that they're even trying such a risky move "just shows how scared people are about the nuclear side of Iran."
"Will Iran finally change course?"

Actually, the sanctions might have little effect: There's a chance "the EU's advertised toughness is less than meets the eye," says Robert Marquand in The Christian Science Monitor. The EU is banning new contracts, but Iran can keep exporting under old deals for another six months. That's plenty of time for Iran figure out how to soften the blow, or for Europe to ease the pressure if the embargo is doing too much harm to EU economies, "particularly beleaguered Greece, which takes 30 percent of its oil from Iran."
"Iran oil embargo: How tough are the EU sanctions?"

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